A Private Document. 



6>'i 

LETTERS 



ON THK RELATION OF THK 



WHITE AND AFRICAN PiAGES 



IN THE UNITED STATES, 



SHOWING THE NECESSITY OF THE 



COLOmZATIOi^ OF THE LATTER. 



ADDRESSED TO THE EEPRESENTATIYE MEN OF THE NATION. 



n I Ic h e-.i , u 3-nTe S 



SPRINGFIELD : 

STEAM PRESS OF BAILHACHE & BAKER. 

1860. 



.x** 



^v 



To the Honorable Jlessrs. 

Lincol:n^, Douglas, Bell and Beeckineidge, 

Gentlemen: 

We respectfully ask your consideration of the matter and 
measure named in the following letters and papers. 

You are l)y choice the rejyresentative men of the several sec- 
tions of our common country, and one or the other of you will 
have been chosen as the future magistrate of the nation, before 
these letters can be published, as they are not intended for 
general circulation or party purposes, hut fo7' private use, pla- 
ced at your service as an aid to reflection on the most dange- 
rous and troublesome question of our time ; and for the purpose 
of renewing the prayer and request made through twelve years 
last past, and placed before three successive administrations; 
hoping that circumstances will justify the incoming adminis- 
tration to look the question disturbing the peace of the country 
calml}^ in the face, and that steps will be taken to dispose of it 
before it becomes of unmanageable magnitude. 

We claim no originality for the measures proposed, they 
have been the subjects of reflection and partial action with 
American statesmen from the foundation of the Republic ; we 
have only attempted to take up their plans and reflections and 
embody them in the form of petition. With the exceptions of 
the extracts from the colonization report to the Legislature of 
Indiana in 1852, entitled '■''t/ie separation of the races just and 
2K>litic^'' these letters have not been published before — we re- 
frain from adding new matter to them, as we have no desire 
to mingle wnth the conflicting elements of the present canvass, 
our fears and conjectures already expressed having been more 
than verified thus far, God grant that our views of the future 
of this country may prove incorrect, and never receive a ful- 
fllhnent; in those fears and forebodings we are not alone — in 
evidence of which we may quote the writings and speeches 
of most of our modern statesmen — nor have others been want- 
ing in remedies for the evil — the most plausible and possibly 
the most practicable of which has been pointed out by Hon. 
r. P. Blair, of Mo., in his address on "colonization and com- 
merce" — but seeing the moral and civil wants of Africa, and 
the resources we control for her relief, we fondly cling to Afri- 
can colonization, as being more w^orthy of a great people ac- 



/ 



tiiated by other and higher motives than that of commerce 
alone, and althongh in doing this we may be placed in the 
ranks of tlie enthusiast ; yet the history of American coloniza- 
tion keeps the advocate of African colonization in countenance, 
and breaks the force of the charge. 

Although but one of you can be placed at this time in the 
seat of our chief magistrate, yet you all occupy a controlling 
place in the councils of the nation, and can shape and mould 
public opinion by your position and state papers, so as to se- 
cure reasonable and proper action on the questions thus brought 
to your notice. 

With respect, &c., yours, 

J. MITCHELL, 
Sec. Indiana State Board of Colonization. 

Oct. 1st, 1860. 



I. 



Ills Excellency, James Buchanan, 

President of the United States. 

Sir: — Permit the undersigned to present the claims of 
the enterprise of colonization as advocated and carried forward 
by the numerous African colonization societies in the United 
States, and ask for it your favorable reo-ard as a ])roper and 
politic measure for the suppression of the African Slave Trade. 

I state but a truism when I say, that under the directino; 
hand of the Great Euler, our race, the Anglo Saxon race, has 
become the most successful colonizer of the present age. Du- 
ring the last three hundred years other races have attempted 
this work but to fail; other races have desired the ability to 
extend and expand, but that power has been denied them; 
and as one who has solved all those things, by a religious key, 
we assign as a principle reason of our success ; the fact, that 
our colonization is eminently a christian colonization — i3eing 
the medium and channel through which civil institutions are 
extended over the globe, whose moral quality is derived from 
the law of Grod, thus furnishing a shelter to those religious or- 
ganizations — the churches, with which the elevation of the 
human family is so intimately connected. 

This alone must ever give the Anglo Saxon, and Anglo 
American colonization, the preponderance of Di^dne favor, as 
against the colonization scheme or permanent expansion of less 
worthy nations- 

The colonization of our free colored people in Africa, differs' 
little from the spread of our OMm race over this and other 
lands, except that the motive power of the African system 
does not spring from the black man, but from the enterprise 
of the white, imparted to the man of color as a part of our pe- 
culiar civilization, and not only imparted to them but irresist- 
ably pressing them from without to action and enterprise. 

In thus reviewing the gronnd, we take it for granted that it 
enters into the order and economy of Providence, to make 
this country a reservoir from which shall be drawn the supply 
of christian civilization wherewith to renovate Africa. And 



6 

that in this way the dangerous and perplexing problem that 
now distracts this nation will be partly solved. 

In the solnti<_»n of all such national problems, statesmen are 
the agents of Providence; and whether advised or unadvised 
they work out the will of Heaven. We hold that statemen 
and rulers are the servants of God, who prosper whilst they 
follow the indications of His will, but fail when they attempt 
to run counter thereto. 

And on the ground we have already taken — we hold that 
there is not a nation under Heaven, whose statesmen are uK^re 
the subject of the Divine regard than our own, except it be 
the elder stock of our race in the British empire — not because 
of abstract merit in that class of men, but because of their po- 
sition and relation to the human family; and this regard is 
doubtless measured by the magnitude of the offices our states- 
men mi. 

It is needless, Sir, for me to dwell on this grave truth, it is 
known to you — therefore with prof mmd 7'espect we regard you 
as the "sword bearer" of a great, and I trust christian people ; 
acting under the sanction of high Heaven, and responsible to 
our common Judge, and undoul)tedly as the chief ruler of this 
great nation, the subject of much Divine regard. 

'"Hear then the prayer not of one man, but of hundreds of 
thousands of your fellow citizens, if not of millions, who plead 
for the negro race — we ask not the emancipation of the slave, 
for that is beyond your power, aiid not our rigid to ash. But 
we ask that the free born negro, and emancipated slave may 
be aided in removing from the United States, by the establish- 
ment of reliable means of transportation to Africa, and not 
only that they may be aided in emigration, but that emigi-a- 
tion may he stiynalated^ by making the Republic of Liberia, 
more attractive by the bestowal of national favor ; in the for- 
mation of a liberal commercial treaty, and the direct or indi- 
rect appropriation of funds for the improvement of that coun- 
try — -that the young nation may be forced up to an attractive 
position, and the growing affluence of her citizens may pro- 
duce a spirit of emigration amongst our free blacks. 

To this policy I apprehend objections will be started by 
strict constructionists; but if you desire to render this great 
service to the human family, all such objections may be avoid- 
ed, by a slight change in the existing policy for the suppres- 
sion of the "AfricanSlave Trade," a matter to which the na- 
tion is now committed, as a worthy and important measure of 
national policy. We would therefore respectfully suggest that 
our African squadi'on, be so enlarged as to include a number 
of small armed steamers, to ])ly between this country and 
West Africa ; to be placed partially under the control of the 



IS'ew York, Maryland and Louisiana colonization societies ; 
by which you will create three great conservative interests, at 
three distant and important points in the nation, around which 
the conservative men of those localities can gather — and in the 
fostering of which, national yet benevolent interests, they will 
find scope for the exercise of that true benevolence which is 
one of the most ennobling qualities of our race; nor would 
such oi'ganizations be without their inlluence in the season of 
political storms — being one in interest, one in aim, they would 
constitute a link to bind a dissolving confederacy, the social 
and religious bonds of which are melting away before the sec- 
tional spirit of the age — undervalue not such bonds, and par- 
don the expression, when I say, that it is true policy, to bring 
into being as many of such as statesmen can. 

In addition to the salutary influence this national movement 
will have on the parties of the country you will grant a boon 
to the disturbed sensibilities of the northern churches, schools 
and benevolent societies of every name — from which as moral 
centers of great poioer^ floods of agitating influence, often revo- 
lutionary in character, have been cast upon the country for 
some years past — which if not stayed by prudent measures, 
must and will precipitate our national dissolution. 

In addition to the oil thus poured on the troubled waters, 
the government will have a proper plea for the increase of 
that important and noble arm of the national defence — the 
JSTavy, which so far as number of guns afloat is concerned, but 
poorly contrasts with the numerous and powerful batteries at 
the disj)osal of other nations — surely there will be more merit 
in such a plea for liberal appropriations to naval extension and 
support, than in the plea whereby the English ministry per- 
suade the Commons to maintain a useless but powerful fleet 
on the " West African Station "—and is it not evident to you, 
and your constitutional advisors, that inland States like this, 
and lands-men generally, require such evidence of utility and 
practical worth, to place them in strong sympathy with the 
Naval Department in times of peace, it cannot be unknown to 
you that there is less sympathy with the Naval Department 
than there should be, because we seldom feel or see its work. 

But, Sir, there are objections which we fear more than those 
of the strict constructionist — and these are the objections of 
the extremists on either hand — the Abolitionist objects to 
colonization and Liberia, and the colonization scheme ; there 
fore he is against any and all measures that would turn the 
attention of the nation into this safe channel — he demands 
the unconditional emancij)ation of the slaves, he orders the 
freed man to force his vmy into the society of the whites^ and 



stands j^ledged to aid in Africanising this who^e conntry, by 
corrupting the blood of the white race — such, thank God, are 
not a powerful party at the north. We therefore hope you 
will not be inlinenced by them. 

But there is more to be feared from the extremists of the 
south, as in this day we fear they are more numerous than 
the araalgamationists of the north, and although not intend- 
ing to aid that contemptible faction by the enunciation of ex- 
treme pro-slavery views, yet they do so most eiiectually by 
driving thousands and tens of thousands of our conservative 
and best men into the ranks of those radicals. I would that 
I could reach the ear of one of those southern magnates, I 
would say with a burthened heart because of the dangers 
clearly seen on all hands— the time for prudent statesmanship 
has come ; the storm is raging and bearing down on the fabric 
of the confederacy, and nothing but prudent policy will save 
from wreck. But what, he may ask, is prudent policy in such 
a case ? May I not point to England and her statesmen as an 
example — when in England the popular element rages and in 
its fury rolls its powerful waves against the constitution and 
the throne, demanding " reform,'''' and shaking the country to 
its foundations, what then is the policy of British statesmen ? 
Do they stiU'en up like the proud oak and stand unyielding 
until broken, or torn up by the roots ? No sir ! such is not the 
policy of England's minister ; whatever else they may be 
guilty of they are not imprudent in such a storm — they bend 
like the willow, they give before the blast — not much do they 
give, it is true, but nevertheless they give to the popular de- 
mands, an inch at a time ; but their wisdom is in giving a little 
and thus avoiding, from period to period, the danger to the 
throne or ruling class. 

I would to God that such was the course of the rulers of this 
land, who are mostly the statesmen of the south ; they have 
always been our rulers either directly or indirectly, and they 
will be the riders until the nation is rent by revolution, for 
give they will not, no, not an inch ; we fear their motto has 
become : " Perpetuate the institution of American slavery," 
to perpetuate it must be expanded, and the balance of the 
slave and free States maintained through all future time. On 
the other hand the northern conscience rises in revolt against 
this propagandism and design to Africanize the nation, as- 
sumes unqualified opposition and refuses to be a party to the 
scheme whilst by its powerful workings it moves society with 
earthquake throes, and each convulsion is but a faint shadow 
of the violence of its successor. 



9 

May God help the conservative men of the free States, for 
we are at our wits end, we know not what to do ; when we 
come to our riders, the statesmen of the Sonth, and tell them 
they mnst grant us material on which to build an argument 
wherewith to beat back the revolutionary storm, they heed us 
no more than though we were their enemies, and as though 
desirous of disunion in fact as well as in feeling, bid defiance 
to the northern storm which shakes the nation to its very base. 

Sir ! I disclaim all intention to be disrespectful when I say 
we should have a stroke of national policy on the colonization 
question and less of t/ie danger cms effort to Africanize this con- 
tinent, for if things move forward as they have for years past 
the next quadrennial election for President will find every 
State free from the institution of slavery arrayed against those 
encumbered therewith, on the simple issue of free States 
versus slave states, and the North acting in an unbroken body 
against the South, If Southern gentlemen will not aid us by 
giving us proper material wherewith to meet the issues of the 
day, why be it so, we w^ill calmly do our duty and commit the 
result to Providence. But we frankly tell such gentlemen 
that the day for compromise will soon be past — disunion is al- 
ready at work and rapidly culminating — the body politic is 
like a consumptive patient, the disease of disunion will soon 
take a radical hold, and then the most that the friends of the 
Union can dc> is to protract and prolong its sickl}^ existence ; be 
this the aim of every patriot ; but does not a wiser patriotism 
prompt us to remove, as far as we can, the causes of decline, 
which is unquestionably such a large mass of fellow beings of 
African origin, upon which a constant and effectual drain 
should be established, so as to draw them oft' and place them 
in some otlier country, where they may have a separate and 
independent subsistence. In absence of a better locality should 
we not select the West Coast of Africa, where they are so 
much required to aid in the suppression of the slave trade, by 
the establishment of settlements and posts of civilization. A 
few millions judiciously expended in the formation of such 
settlements would be an eternal hlessinrj to nations, for the effect 
would pass into eternity, and the administration which dares to 
take such a step will rear for itself a monument more durable 
than brass, and in addition give to this distracted country a 
national party with national measures, to the standard of 
which the good can rally in the dark and stormy day. 

But, sir, I must frankly say that a party, if such should ever 

arise that has no aim, no end to serve but the cause of human 

bondage, cannot rally to their standard the conservative or the 

good men of any section of the land. Here then is a measure 

—9 



10 

wliich, if adopted, will form the foundation of a system of policy 
on the negro question that will stand the severest ordeal of party 
conliict. 

We feel thankful to Providence that our nation is conmiitted 
to the suppression of the African slave trade, because it fur- 
nishes a pretext for more liberal measures, aud as European 
nations are to some extent attempting a revival of that tralhc 
by means of doubtful utility. Policy and humanity both con- 
cur in prompting this nation to give the world an American 
system for the iinal suppression of the trade by the establish- 
ment of extensive colonies, hoping that in time the language, 
institutions and religion of our country will extend from the 
Cape of Good Hope to the ancient seat of umpire, the Bar- 
bary States. 

IS^or will French colonization present a successful barrier at 
that point, for it answers not the end of Providence, and it 
must, as it has often done, give place to that we advocate in 
this paper — that is a Christian colonization — bearing onw^ard 
and mingling with its flood the principles and fundamental 
truths, social, civil and religious, peculiar to the civilization of 
the Anglo Saxon race, which under God has been made the 
great instructor of the negro, and as we believe for wise and 
beneficent purposes. 

I will close this memorial by submitting a copy of one of 
the Acts of our State Legislature in regard to the measure for 
wdiich we ask, and permit me to say that the policy of our 
State remains unchanged on this subject ; nothing would be 
more acceptable to the people than the measm-e herein pro- 
posed. 

"^1 Joint liesolution on the subject of tlie Slave Trade, and 
for jyurposes of Colonization. Approved March 4, 1852." 

"Whereas, considerations of philanthropy and patriotism alike demand an earnest 
elfort to suppress the African Slave Trade, so long a repniach to the Christian 
world, and a base outrage upon an unfortunate race of our fellow-men: And, 
whereas, the praiseworthy efforts heretofore employed for that purpose have proved 
ineffectual: therefore, 

Jiesolved by the General Assemhly of the State of Indiana, That it is the judgment 
of said General Assembly that some other and more efficient policy should be adopted 
on that subject. 

Jiesolved, farther. That it is the judgment of said General Assembly that it is the 
duty of the Government of the United States of America, as the leading nation of 
thewurld, in advancing and maintaining the cause of civil and religious liberty, 
and ameliorating the unfortunate condition of mankind everywhere, by all proper 
and lawful means to use the necessary powers to crush effectually this revolting 
piracy. 

lienolved, farther, That reason dictates, and experience has shown, that this crime 
against our race, and the just laws of God, can be more certainly put down than by 
any plan heretofore tried, by the planting and rearing to maturity and power, colonial 
states upon the African coast, with republican forms of government, from the free 
black population of the United States; and that it is the duty of the Congress of 
the United States, and of the Legislatures of each of the states of this Union, to 



11 

enact such laws in liarmony with each other, as would promote a general system of 
colonization, n<.t only for the purpose of suppressing the African blave Trade, but 
also to separate, as fJr as possible, the white and black race upon this contment-by 
sendino- off, where they might consent to it, all colored persons in the United fc.tates, 
except^those who may be held to service, to such colonial states, without cost, and 
providino- for their comfort there for a reasonable period afterwards; thus making 
some compensation to an injured race for the wrongs and oppressions of ages, and 
relieviu<r ourselves from a population which, although amongst, can never be ot us, 
in social or political rights; and for that cause are at all times liable to become a 
source of public charge, and of public annoyance in each state where they may 
reside, and of causing irritation and bad neighborhood in the feelings of the states 

themselves. , n r) 

Ee»olved, further, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Kcpresen- 
tatives requested, to use their efforts to procure the passage of laws by the Congress 
of the United States, and that all the sister states of this Union be likewise earnestly 
requested to co-operate, by similar laws, for the promotion of the foregoing objects. 
Eesol'-ea, further, That the Governor forward a copy of these resolutions to each 
of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, to the Governors of all the states 
in the Union, and to the heads of the leading Colonization Societies in the Unitetl 
States- and that he be requested to open a correspondence with such societies, and 
other persons, within his discretion, who may be devoted to the objects aforesaid, 
with a view to elicit information generally, upon the subject, and especially to obtain 
plans best calculated to promote the objects above contemplated. And that ho be 
further requested to lay such information before the General Assembly of this state, 
at its next annual meeting, with such recommendations touching them and the cause 
of colonization, as to him shall seem advisable." 

I remain, with respect, yours, &c.. 

JAMES MITCHELL, 
Secretary Indiana State Board of Colonization. 
Jeffersosville, Indiana, September 24, lSu7. 



Department of State, AVashinoton, ^ | 
December 28, 1857. J 
To James 3fitchell, Jeffersonville, Indiana : 

Sir __ Your note of the 2-l:th instant has been received, and the memorial which 
accompanied it has been laid before the President. Tii.rra n a ea 

I am your obedient servant, LE.VV ib OAbb. 

AVashingtox, January 13, 1858. 



My Dear Sir— It is some days since I received your communication of the 24th 
ultimo, presenting the views of the Colonization Society of Indiana, on important 
subjects. I have read it over with great care and refered it to the Navy Department, 
where it will remain on tile. For the present, I forbear to express an opinion on the 
topics which it discusses. 

With sentiments of respect, I remain truly yours, ^^^^^^ BUCHANAN. 

James Mitchell. 



Note —History will record it to the honor of President Buchanan, that he has 
made an earnest and intelligent effort to suppress the Slave Trade and aid the 
American settlement on the West coast of Africa; as his messages to Congress in the 
year 1858, 185U, and May 19, 1860, will abundantly prove. And the eyes of millions 
have been fixed with intense interest on those brave, bold men, who, under his com- 
mand have plnoed "the wooden walls" of the nation between the pirate and his 
prey— and to their own great personal discomfort in being brought in close contact 
with masses of savages in the holds of slavers, they h.ive preserved the honor of the 
nation, and partially arrested that stream of undesirable population which is so 
rapidly Africanizing the Western Hemisphere. 



Tl 



THE SEPARATION OF THE RACES JUST AXD ruLlIiC. 



Keeping in the order of receding dates, we will reproduce 
a few extracts from the Indiana colonization reports of 1852 — 
we quote them unchanged for we fear there has heen an unfa- 
vorable reaction^ adverse to the negro, since they were first 2)ublish- 
ed. They were intended to justify and illustrate the line of 
policy which in 1851, actuated the Constitutional Convention 
of Indiana, in working into the fundamental laws of that State, 
the doctrines of the separation of the races ; and making pro- 
vision therefore so far as our State could act in the case. 

The separationists of our State do not consider themselves 
in any way responsible for the severe measures adopted 
by that body — intended to exclude negroes not then residents 
of the State — having maintained all through the preceding 
canvass of 1819-50 that the negro emigrant to Indiana, should 
be regarded as any other alie7i or stranger and treated with no 
more severity while entitled to equal protection — denying 
him however, the right to take title to land within the State 
— presuming that this would be sulHcient protection, against 
anything like a permanent lodgement of such a population 
within our borders. 

"We will introduce this argument by stating a few points 
as the foundation of our reasoning on this subject. 

"All men are created equal." A separte and independent 
subsistence for the great lamilies or races of men, is clearly 
marked out by the Divine ruler. 

Society is an ordinance of Heaven, having for its object the 
happiness, prosperity and peace of its members. 

Governments are designed to guard the peace, prosperity 
and happiness of society, and to remove all political evils. 

A homogeneous population is necessary to the existence of 
a sound republic. 



13 

Slaves and peasants, deprived of the right of citizenship, and 
suliering social degradation, are incompatible with the genius 
of republicanism. 

The United States of North America should be a jiure re- 
public. 

A family, and that collection of families which constitutes a 
republic, have the right beyond all organic law to say who 
shall, or who shall not be received into their bosom and made 
members of their society. 

The American people, in the exercise of this right, admitted 
the white race and rejected the black. 

There is no salvation for another race that comes in conflict 
with the Anglo Saxon race, but in fusion with it. All others 
that conflict with it will be borne down by it. 

The colored population of this country cannot be other than 
a class of peasants, if excluded from white society. 

Where men are truly religious and moral, the white and 
black races of the United States do not mix — so the influence 
of religion will never eflect a fusion, or destroy the right of 
choice in the parties. 

No two races, kept distinct by the refusal of the stronger 
race to fuse with the weaker, can dwell together in the same 
country on terms of social equality. 

A heterogeneous population, that will not amalgamate, soon- 
er or later becomes a turbulent, restless and revolutionary pop- 
ulation. 

The separation of the races, and the erection of the colored 
race into an indej^endent and separate commonwealth are the 
true and only remedies for the disabilites of the colored race. 

Unfortunately for the United States, we have the elements 
of much national disturbance and social immorality among us, 
in the form of two incompatible races, whose interests must 
forever clash so long as they remain distinct races, and there 
is no likelihood that their present relation will change, or that 
they will become blended into one people. 

However, the great mass of the colored race in this land 
are held as slaves, and with this relation of master and slave, 
the inhabitants of free states are pledged not to interfere — and 
we should sacredly observe our pledges ; but whilst man thus 
sacredly keeps his promises to his fellow man, Avhat may not 
Providence do with this institution. In the coming age of 
revolutions that must sweep over our globe with terrific" and 
renovating power, it will be impossible for our country to 
escape the lightning's flash and thunder's stroke, with such a 
colossal attraction and conductor as the institution of American 
slavery in our midst, which rears its head amongst the gather- 



u 

ing clouds that portend the coming storm. Oh, no ! slavery 
wiJl be modilied by a series of providences before many years, 
and it is likely that tens of thousands will be emancipated; 
and in the course of a few ages all will be set free. But this 
act of emanci])atiun, when consummated, will leave that large 
mass of our fellow beings in a state of serfdom or social slavery. 
For white society will refuse to receive them into its bosom — 
or, in other words, the white race will not amalgamate with 
the blacks. Therefore, the stronger must be the rulers still, 
and the weaker the servile ones. 

A heterogeneous population, that will not amalgamate, 
sooner or later becomes a turbulent population, and civil war 
and bloodshed follow as a nuitter of course. This has been 
the past history of those nations which are cursed with a dif- 
ference of race, and what has been true of other countries will 
be true of the United States, unless we apply a remedy to the 
evil that afflicts us. 

With the opponents of the remedy of separation, we agree 
that "all men are created equal;" but we cannot believe that it 
follows, as a consequence, that all men should inhabit the 
same state or territory, or dwell in the same city. But, on 
the contrary, we believe it to be in keeping with sound policy 
and the morality of a peaceful religion which we profess as a 
nation, to apply the remedy of separation to conflicting fami- 
lies or races of men, whose interests are constantly clashing, 
and who cannot be reduced to a state of social equality. Such 
we believe to be the slate of the white and colored races of 
the United States. 

/Separation is a compromise for the sake of peace ^ to avoid 
the divisions of society into political factions, of which color 
would be the line ; to enable the colored man to enjoy unin- 
terruptedly all the rights of a freeman and exercise the fran- 
chise of such a freeman. Is not such a compromise right, if 
it can be effected % Is it not justified by the spirit of Christi- 
anity '\ We think it right and just, and give as an illustration 
of this compromise the case of Abraham and Lot, who were 
the controlers of large households, and became the fathers of 
nations. On one occasion, their families — or rather their 
retainers and servants— quarreled about the right to the soil 
or domain ; and these two good men found it necessary to 
settle this quarrel by a compromise, and the result was they 
se]3arated their families and became the occupants of distant 
and different lands. 

Nor will it do to put off the application of this remedy too 
long, for already the spirit of strife, from this very question of 
a difference of race, has commenced his cruel work of disor- 



15 

ganization. Like a deinori of great malignity he lias entered 
the ecclesiastical and civil councils of the land, and sowed the 
seeds of strife there, and that seed is rapidly ripening, and has 
produced strife and disunion in many cases. Keligious men 
who were bound by the strongest lands have been rent asunder 
and arrayed against each other in a hostile attitude, and are 
now at war with such weapons as they dare to use. Whilst 
the statesmen of the land, and the great i^olitical bodies, are 
now surveying the field of future conflict ; calculating their 
strength, choosing their positions and preparing for a war of 
more than words — and although a friend to the "compromise," 
yet we fear that the elements of trouble are not removed ; 
nay, we know they are not removed — for as yet no practical 
remedy has been applied to slavery the great root of the evil. 

Kor will it do to say that the mere abolition of slavery will 
remove the evil — indeed it leaves the evil complained of un- 
touched ; for two distinct races will remain in the land to 
curse the country with their strife for social pre-eminence ; 
and just in proportion as the light which has been withheld 
too long from the colored population is poured in upon them, 
in the same proportion will their demand for social equality 
become bold and threatening, until, considering forbearance 
no longer a virtue, they will make their demand at the point 
of the sword. Soldiers may laugh at such a prospect, and 
glory in such sport as crushing the colored armies might 
altbrd; but men of peace love not such things and deprecate 
such times, although afar of/. 

There are but two remedies for the evil : a fusion of the 
raccs^ or a total separation. The application of the first rem- 
edy always depends on the choice of the stronger race : and 
the exercise of the choice tor or against involves no moral 
quality ; so that a refusal on the part of the white race to 
blend with the black cannot be considered a sm. And so long 
as the right of choice remains to man and is untouched by law 
— human or divine — so long white men, who are honorahle 
and virtnous and fear God and regard his law, Avill choose 
white company to the rejection of black. Nor is this criminal 
in them. Nor can you compel the American people to act 
otherwise unless you can show a clear law that will coerce to 
fusion. 

Hence tliose who are resting their hopes on the future inilu- 
ence of the gospel, are cherishing a false hope; for the inflnence 
of the gospel is to make morals pure : and whenever niorals 
are pure^ then the races never fuse, but the line between them 
js well defined — the white man being a dignified and upright 
superior^ and the colored man being a moral and respectable 



16 

inferior. Nor can the colored race escape from this inferiority 
in society ; nor can those of us who would save him from it 
do so as long as he remains in contact with white men. The 
poor colored man is like the sickly tree that stands in the 
grove : he is overshadowed by a stronger race that shoots up 
to the heavens and spi-eads its branches to the light — casting 
a destructive shade on all below. A transplantation is the 
only salvation in either case. 

The enthusiast may preach a different doctrine, and tell us 
that he makes no diil'erence on account of color : he tells us 
that which is false ! His actions and the company he keeps 
conti'adict his words ; the companions of his children and 
associations of his domestic circle are standing Avitnesses 
against him. Compel him to choose between two young men 
of equal moral Avorth, equal talents and equality of wealth, 
but dilfering in color — one being white and the other black- 
compel him to choose one of the two for a kinsman, and his 
choice will tall on the white man ; and because of color even 
he will make a difference. 

So, unless we choose^ the colored man cannot become our 
social equal. But the American people do not choose to make 
him a social equal, and there is no law that can compel them 
to do this. The consequence is the poor colored man must 
stand far below par, because of his color ; and from this disa- 
bility he can never escape. He carries it with him wherever 
he goes^ and colored men are compelled to take a secondary 
place in society and remain in a lower grade ; which classiti- 
cation of citizens in grades is incompatible with the genius of 
this republic and will sap the foundation of democracy. 

This being the unpleasant state of things in the United 
States, a peaceful separation of the races should be devised 
and carried out as soon as possible, lor the good of both ; and 
upon this separation an independent commonwealth of colored 
people should be formed in which the colored i-ace might be 
free from our dictation and control. 

Many of the most intelligent and independent colored men 
of the northern States are now convinced that a peaceful sepa- 
ration of the races is the most religious way of disposing of 
this vexed question. Hence we find them advocating conti- 
nental colonization, or the erection of an independent common- 
wealth of colored men on this continent. Others of them who 
are not religious, are actuated by another passion : that of a 
desire to rule ; hence they wish to escape from the society of 
white men, where they must be subordinate, that they nuiy 
become leaders themselves. And none but the willful and 



IT 

wicked stubbornly contend for the right of fusing with the 
white race, thus securing social equality in this land. 

Kow that the colored people are beginning to move in 
this work, it is the duty of the white race to help them to a 
separate home. We owe this to them and we owe it to our 
peace in the future. 

It is clear to the calm observer that the colored race of 
North America have been in a state of pupilage amongst us, 
— our great crime is not the work of holding the colored 
man in bonds as an apprentice or a scholar, but we have held 
him as a slave, and vnthheld the instruction which he should 
have received. This has been the crime of the South. 

However, the effect of the connection which the colored 
man has had with the white race has been to school him, and 
bring him forward to a state of intellectual maturity. And, 
now that the days of his majority have arrived, — as a 
young man who has come of age is provided with a home by 
his guardian — so the colored race, which now shows many 
eigns of ability to take care of itself, should be provided with 
a suitable home by the older guardian race. Nor should the 
colored race think the work of removal from the old home- 
stead of the white race a hard thing ; for it is nothing more 
than justice and righteousness require. 

We have no sympathy for that class that can curse the 
colored man in their hearts, and then, for political purposes, 
cry down the inhumanity of the Separationists ; and we have 
very little with those suiDerficial philanthropists who would 
retain the colored man in this land that he may be used as a 
servant. We would give him all the rights of man, but this 
the Abolitionists will not— cannot do : in evidence of which 
read the following extract from " Jay's Inquiry : " 

" One of the designs falsely imputed to them (the Abolitionists) is that of bring- 
ing about an amalgamation of colors by intermarriages. In vain have they again 
and again denied any such design ; in vain have their writings been searched for 
any recommendation of such amalgamation. No Abolitionist is known to have 
married a negro, or to have given his child to a negro ; yet has the charge of amal- 
gamation been repeated and re-repeated, until many no doubt honestly believe it. 

" No one, in the possession of his reasoning faculties, can believe it to be the duty 
of white men to select black wives ; and the Abolitionists have given every proof 
the nature of the case will admit that they countenance no such absurdity. It has 
been found expedient to accuse them of aiming at socki? equality. He must be deeply 
imbued with fanaticism — or rather insanity — who contends that because a man has 
a dark skin, he is therefore entitled to a reception in our families and a place at our 
tables. We all know white men whose characters and habits render them repulsive 
to us, and whom no consideration would induce us to admit into our social circles ; 
and can it be believed that Abolitionists are willing to extend to the negroes, merely 
on account of their color, courtesies and indulgencies which in innumerabloinstances 
they withhold, and properly withhold, from their white fellow-citizens." 

B ere is the prejudice well stated and well defended by a 
champion of the abolition cause — to meet and obviate which 
—3 



18 

the separation of the races was devised by the colonization 
society. 

The free man of color can never be a man so long as he 
remains amongst white men, they will permit him to be a 
servant or vassal, hut no more. Abont this kind of philan- 
thropy there is a spice of selfishness that reminds ns of some 
fine plantations in onr State, owned by very henevolent inen^ 
but cultivated by half starved free negroes. 

But before we dismiss this point we will say a word to the 
man of color into whose hands this may fall: sir, yon cannot 
change the state of things that now exists, withont a revolu- 
tion, you will therefore act unwisely to rear nj) a family in 
Indiana to be menials, when you can secure for them the lot 
and rights of freemen by removal. But if designs of nlterior 
i-evokition prompt you to remain in this State, with such de- 
signs good men can have no sympathy. Your duty is to meet 
tins difficulty in the spirit of peaceful compromise, and de- 
mand a removal which our wise and benevolent statesmen will 
grant, not in an unkind spirit, but in the spirit that actuated 
the ancient patriarchs Abraham and Lot. 

It is time the free people of color were constituted an inde- 
pendent commonwealth, for they have advanced so far in the 
work of improvement that they are fully able to conckict the 
State machinery of a nation. 

If it were possible to erect a respectable and truly indepen- 
dent commonwealth of colored men on this continent, we 
should do so without delay. But we fear the thing is imprac- 
ticable at this time, and we fear that the future will not be 
more favorable, because the grasping disposition of the Anglo 
Saxon race claims the whole North American continent as 
the field of its future enterprise and expansion. Nor will the 
jealous and haughty South tolerate the erection of a common- 
wealth of colored men on American soil. It is with sorrow 
that we express our conviction that there is no rest for the 
colored man on this wide continent. The Mexican and Indian 
are more warlike than he, and yet they have not been able 
to maintain their independence, or to preserve their lands 
from violation ; it would require a standing army of many 
thousand men to protect the Ijorder of a colored nation. And 
again, it would ever be a sickly plant in the shade of our gi- 
gantic Anglo-Saxon Republic. It is doubtful whether it cculd 
maintain its independence as a sovereign nation. In short, 
it must forever be a contemptible thing in contrast with the 
United States. 

Again, the fact that Divine Providence needs the colored 
people of this land elsewhere, and requires not a colored na- 



19 

tion on this continent tor the purpose of carryino- ont His 
plans, is evidence snthcient that a colored commonwealth will 
not succeed in this land. 

For, although statesmen may plan, and fanatics may rave, 
yet God reigns and will rule and overrule all things to this end 
— the conversion of the world to the religion of Christ, and 
the overthrow of kings, thrones, and nobles, to the establish- 
ment of a pure christian republicanism, in which men shall be 
governed by principles and not by power, in which they shall 
acknowledge no king but God, and no creed but His law. 

So far as the renovation of this country is concerned, tlie 
Aufflo-Saxon race can effect the work without the aid of other 
races. 

But it can not be so with Africa, it is forbidden ground 
to our race, else its wealth would have attracted us long ago, 
Africa has long been noted for its Avealth ; its mountains 
abound with gold, and its productions are of the most valuable 
character. But God has reserved that land for the colored 
man, — the linger of Providence points to its shores as the 
future home of our American colored men. 

God requires our schooled, converted, and enlightened col- 
ored men, that thej may scatter the leaven of Christianity and 
republicanism amongst a population of over one hundred 
million souls ; already has the work been begun, a few thou- 
sand noble-souled and independent colored men have taken 
their lives in their hands and gone forth on their mission, — 
under the fostering care of their Divine Guide, they have been 
instrumental in planting the foundation of a christian common- 
wealth on the continent of Africa, which now looms up from 
the dark horizon of that benighted land as a bright star of 
promise to the sons of Africa, — which is destined to be 
their guide through all their future struggles and stormy con- 
flicts. 

And such will be the attractive power of the young republic 
of Liberia, that in a few years its enemies will not be able to 
turn the growing stream of emigration away from it — but it 
will swell and spread until it has embraced the whole colored 
population of our land within its influence. 

An African commonwealth is no longer a theory, it is a 
fact. There stands Liberia ! the glory of her friends, and the 
rebuke of all her slanderers. 

We must admire the wisdom of that Providence which 
spread a cloud over African coloriization, and enshrouded the 
young colony in doubt for a few years. But now, that God 
has taken away the veil, we can see tho reason of this strange 
providence. For we discover that the handful of pioneers 



20 

stationed on the coast of Africa were learning liow to act and 
govern. God was teaching them the difhcult lesson of self- 
dependence and self-government. And looking back over 
their history, we can see each successive step in this noble 
work, until they stand forth before the world graduated repub- 
licans, who have acquired such self-confidence that they can 
now receive thousands of raw emigrants, and guide them 
safely in the same diflicult work of self dependence, and self- 
government. The foundation of their nation being settled, and 
their institutions being planted, they are ready to co-operate 
with the friends of the African in this land in the great work 
of separating the races. 

The work of transporting the colored people of this land to 
a distant home can be eliected, provided both races are agreed 
on the subject. And the western coast of Africa is the most 
convenient point that can be reached. A few lines of trans- 
ports plying regularly between the above point and this coun- 
try would make the removal easy and pleasant — much more 
pleasant and agreeable than a trip to California, and not at- 
tended with as much l(ibo}\ danger or expense. The sum of 
$60 will carry a man from this land to Liberia, and furnish him 
with six months' provisions. The above sum will hardly buy 
the California mover a good horse. As to the labor and dan- 
ger of the two trips, the balance is largely in favor of Liberia, 
for the constitution will sulTer more wear and tear by two-fold 
in a Californian expedition than it will in a Liberian expedition, 
and it cannot be doubted that twice as many die in going to 
California as die amongst the Liberian emigrants. 

Much has been said about the impossibility of carrying off 
all the colored people of our land. We would to God that the 
day of their exodus had come, it would then be seen whether 
the American people have energy to effect the work. We 
know they can do it if they will; and that man pays but a 
poor compliment to the character of his race that doubts its 
ability on this point. The colored people of this land are not 
four millions in numbers, and yet four millions, if free and at 
the disposal of the friends of colonization, could be transported 
to Liberia for a sum equal to that paid out for the Mexican 
war, which we suppose to be one hundred million dollars, and 
yet this sum has been paid, or nearly so, without our being 
sensibly the poorer, few men being able to tell when, where, 
or how they paid their part of that bill ; if we are not mis- 
taken, the American people are ready to vote any sum to 
eifect a peaceful separation of the races, and wilj rejoice in the 
opportunity. 



21 

If the people will demand of the general government that 
the Atlantic be bridged with a few lines of transports, tens of 
thousands of free colored men will ponr across to their new 
home. And the Slave States, ashamed of their folly and op- 
pression, will surrender their slaves into the hands of govern- 
ment agents, who shall set them free on the coast of Africa, 
thus for a few millions of dollars, this land may be saved 
from the scourge of civil war, and millions of our fellow men 
restored to all the rights of men. AYe trust that God will 
move upon our statesmen to consider this momentous subject, 
and upon the free colored people of our land to inquire what 
is their duty in this case ! 

In the meantime, whilst waiting for the national exodus of 
the sons of Africa, a separation of interests and institutions 
tends most to the 2)eace arid morality of the races. Of this, 
the more intelligent colored persons are convinced ; hence, we 
find them advocating separate schools, separate churches, se23a- 
rate neighborhoods, and, in short, separate society ; and, 
although they seem blind to the manifest tendency of this 
movement, yet it is carrying them on with irresistible power 
to the sure destiny of the reasonable and conservative portion 
of the colored race, which we fondly hope and believe will be 
a separate national existence — which we hope will save them 
from the horrors of the lot that awaits those of the race who 
are bent on revolution. 

Having premised those pcdnts, we will notice in a respectful 
manner, some of the objections urged against the doctrine of 
separation ; the most comprehensive list of objections that 
we have ever seen, was published in one of our journals dur- 
ing the session of the late Constitutional Convention, by an 
anonymous writer. As we have a great respect for the 
" Higher Law " and its Giver, we will give the objections 
of that school a candid hearing, and therefore quote the ob- 
jections in full. It is immaterial to us who the author of these 
objections is : they are the cavilings of our opponents, and 
they turnish a hold by which to grapple with them. 

" 1 . The Earth, the whole Earth, is God's footstool. 

" 2. It was created to be inhabited by all his creatures — to 
sustain them, while in life, upon its bosom — to receive them, 
in death, beneath its surface. 

" 3. Surrounding this globe is atmosphere, created for the 
purposes of life, and necessary to its continuance. 

"4. The inhabitants of eacli particular section of the Earth 
are but God's stewards. They occupy only at his sutferance 
— they breathe the air necessary for their life only at His will. 



22 

" 5 Each nation has its particular customs and laws. So 
far as they do not conflict with His " Hif^h Law," they have 
the right to prescribe rules and regulations for the government 
of those who seek residence amongst them. 

" 6. They may provide that certain classes shall not enjoy 
the rights of citizenship — that they shall not have the benetit 
of Poor Laws — that they shall be taxed, &c. 

" T. But they have no bight, h]/ Diviue laiu, to prohibit any 
Human being, whom God has seen fit to create of a different 
color, from barely living upon that portion of the Earth which 
they have themselves, or breatJdng of that atmosphere which 
happens to hang over their nation or State, a sufficient quan- 
tity for his existence. 

" 8. They could have no such right, except by express Di- 
vine Command — for the Earth is (not man's but) the Lord's 
and the fulness thereof. All human beings whom He sees fit 
in His wisdom to create. He intends, whatever man may 
think, shall breathe and live upon that Earth. 

" 9 Most undeniably would they have no such right, judged 
by the law of Humanity alone, until at least a congenial por- 
tion of the Earth was set apart for them, and every means and 
expense fnlly provided for their transportation tliereto. 

"10. Even then it would be doubtful, whether eitliei" by the 
Higher or Lower Law, any nation would be justified in forci- 
bly driving to it from their midst, human beings who had pre- 
viously, with equal force, been dragged within its bounds." 

With the first five of those propositions, we cordially agree, 
although we consider some of them rather atmosjyJieric. 

The sixth proposition is a peculiar one, being quite accom- 
modating in its structure, for there is an et cetera at the end of 
it, on which, we suppose, the objector designed hanging as 
many negro disabilities as may he considered politic. He 
maintains that States, in their transition or organizing process, 
" may provide that certain classes shall not enjoy the right of 
citizenship, — that they shall not have the benetit of poor laws, 
— that they shall be taxed," etc. Which et cetera means all 
the other disabilities of the black code, which States may please 
to fix on the poor colored man. Yes, to this proposition and 
all that it drags after it, we are compelled to agree, with a 
pang of sorrow ; and the next impulse is to inquire for a 
remedy. And we find that in amalgamation or separation. — 
An election of one or the other should be made at once by 
every State in the Union, and a vigorous system of State pol- 
icy, in harmony with that election, adopted and set in motion. 

If the policy of separation as a remedy for tlie evils that 
arise from the existence of two conflicting i-aces, be rejected, 



23 

and amalgamation or its equivalent, inaction, be adopted, we 
have no more to say, except to express the hope that the dis- 
abilities of the black code will be removed. For we must 
confess that our quarrel as separationists is not with the man 
of color, but with those very disabilities found in the sixth 
proposition of the objector. Yes, it is for those we desire a 
remedy; and if the objectors can furnish us a better plan lor 
their removal,— for in this practical age, the plan is what we 
want, something practical and substantial,— if a better plan 
than separation's furnished, we will rejoice in the discovery, 
and render all the aid we can to carry it out. ^ 

But if such a practical plan cannot be found and furnished, 
we feel disposed to advocate the redemption of the colored 
man from those oppressive disabilities, by a removal of the 
subject beyond their reach. And if removal is considered the 
most practical plan, then we hope that our statesmen will not 
dodo-e this question, but come up to it,— meet it, and give us 
a vio-orous system of State policy that will facilitate the work 
of removal, so that all vAo desire to emigrate to Liberia, may 
be transferred there without the loss of a dollar. 

The seventh proposition in the above hst, is designed to be 
the strong point in the list of objections. It runs thus : "But 
they have no right, hy Divine Law, to prohibit any human be- 
in o-, whom God has seen ht to create of a dilferent color, from 
barely living upon that portion of the earth which they have 
themselves, or breathing of that atmosphere which happens to 
hang over their nation or State, a sufficient quantity for his 

existence." 

About the atmospheric part of this proposition, we have 
nothing to say. But we suppose that that portion which per- 
tains to the earth, means— if it means anything at all— that 
one man has as good a right, derived from Divme law, to live 
on anv inhabited lot of ground as the legal incumbent or 
owner," and by a parity of reasoning, that any one race ot 
men has as good a right to the territory of another distinct 
and dissimilar race as the possessors have. 

Now with this we cannot agree, for if this doctrine was ad- 
mitted, it would unsettle the very foundations of society,_and 
overturn all the recognized institutions and sound laws ol our 
nation, and introduce an agrarianism that would pour con- 
tempt on the red repubHcanism of France. Nor is this doc- 
trine in harmony with the Divine economy of which the ob- 
jector speaks, which seems to be disclosed in the following 
language of Scripture: "God hath made of one blood all na- 
tions of men, to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath 
determined the times afore appointed ; and the hounds of their 



24 

habitation." "The Most High divided the nations, their in- 
heritance, when He separated the sons of Adam, lie set the 
hounds of the people.'''' Here is a separate and independent 
subsistence, marlced out for the great famihes of men; and 
God requires us to respect this economy, any departure 
from it on our part, will be to the injury of both ourselves 
and others. And each State, or nation, has a right to repel 
any departure from it by other nations or families, who would 
force themselves upon an incompatible community, that wished 
not their presence or alliance. 

From the above economy, we infer that society is an ordi- 
nance of Heaven, having for its object the peace, prosperity 
and happiness of its members. Various were the lines of 
division that God laid down ; but the chief were race and 
language. Each of those sub-divisions of the human family 
derived a right from the Giver of the "Higher Law," to form 
a government for its protection, and the removal of all politi- 
cal and social evils. This original right remains to States and 
nations, and is the very foundation of republicanism. They 
likewise received the right to choose the form of that gov- 
ernment, and to amend it when such an amendment became 
necessary. And further, society, which implies the State, 
like the family, being an ordinance of Heaven, has the right 
to prescribe the character of those who shall be amalgamated 
with it; this right each sovereign State in this confederacy 
has, and retains, beyond all State or Federal Constitutions, or 
organic laws whatever, — and to express this in one word, it is 
the right of choice. 

But objectors too often forget that society in its organized 
capacity as a State, has reserved rights, that it may assume or 
lay down at pleasure, and that such rights are recognized in 
the law of God. I^ow in the light of those recognized rights, 
we must disagree with the doctrine of the seventh proposition 
which legalizes intrusion, &c. &c., for God requires us to ob- 
serve the rights of organized society, (States) and it is the 
province of magistrates and statesmen to see that those rights 
are respected, '■for they are God''s ministers attending continu- 
ally upon this very thing.'''' 

The doctrine of the above proposition forbids the repulsion 
of an invading army. 

It forbids the removal of a hostile force, that has taken pos- 
session of a part of your country. 

It forbids the exclusion of the emmisaries of a hostile peo- 
ple, who desire a lodgement in the country for purposes of 
revolution. 



25 

It divests statesmen and magistrates of tliose pecnliar, 
special and sometimes severe powers, which God has vested 
in those who watch over society ; by the exercise of which in 
given cases one man may condemn another to death ; or wliich 
empowers onr chief magistrate, who is naught but a fehow 
man, to order thousands of his fellow citizens into the field ot 
battle, and there require them to sacrifice their lives for the 
good of their people. 

And as to the statesman, who is the j^olitical 2)hysician or 
if need be the surgeon, whose duty it is to keep the body 
politic in a healthy state. The doctrine of the objector as 
stated above, ties him hand and foot, and forbids him to guard 
his country and people from revolution notwithstanding all 
the elements of revolution may be clearly developed. 

And again, it forbids the enactment of laws, or the execu- 
tion of such laws when enacted, as will dislodge an intruder, 
who has taken possession of another's property on the ground 
of having an equal rigJit with the owner, to the soil of his 
farm or the air in his room. 

And lastly, this doctrine not only legalizes intrusion, but it 
is at variance with the doctrines of j^eace and compromise 
which are so abundant in the Bible. As separationists we 
claim for the colored man all the rights of man, but this, white 
society refuse to give — what then shall be done in this case ? 
Shall we spirit on the man of color to ]-evolution, strife and 
sedition, and shall this strife be kept up as long as the State 
stands, or one man is darker than another ? Is this required 
at the hand of those who would be philanthropic — is this re- 
quired by that law that teaches a peaceful compromise of all 
difterences ? The separationist thinks not ; and acts on his 
convictions. Hence if the colored man cannot secure his 
rights in this land Avithout a revolution, we would avoid that 
revolution by calling him oft' from the field of strife, and 
invite him to assume a peaceful, respectable, and indepen- 
dent relation to other nations. 

The eighth j)i'oposition arises from and is based on the 
seventh, but as its foundation is untenable, so the eighth is 
unsound. 

With the ninth we agree — conscious that the heart of the 
separationist beats as warmly toward the colored man, as does 
that of the abolitionist, and we ardently hope that our states- 
men will provide a home for the colored man, either on this 
continent or in Africa, where he can be a free man. 

As to the tenth, the writer considers it a doubtful point, so 
we will not trouble ourselves about his doubts, as we desire to 

—4 



26 

deal in clear terms, considering that it is only an inference 
from the seventh, which has been answered. 

We are now prepared to maintain, that it is the duty of 
governments to apply to all existing political or social evils, 
such remedies as are best adapted to remove them ; and to 
prevent such national or social cahmiities as they may foresee ; 
and it is the duty of statesmen and magistrates to see that 
those remedies and preventatives are used — for they are God's 
ministers attending continually upon this very thing. In the 
exercise of these their rights^ they may repel an invading 
army, remove a hostile force, enforce the observance of law, 
punish the disobedient, and in short, use and exercise consti- 
tutionally, all those severe, yet wholesome powers which God 
has vested in the sioordhearers of society, and who are account- 
able for their conduct to the Great Iviug in the first place, 
whose "Higher Law" readies tJiem^ and binds them to the dis- 
charge of tlie duties of their office. And they are accounta- 
ble in the second place, to the constitutional powers which 
appointed them, whose well being and peace they are bound 
to seek, irrespective of the opinions of individual members of 
society, whose limited sphere of observation may prevent 
them from fully comprehending the wisdom or rectitude of a 
given course of policy, designed to carry with it a national 
benefit, the efi'ect of which may not be so clearly seen now, 
as in future ages, but which onust result with mathematical 
certainty, in the salvation of two races from great evils, and 
the moral regeneration of two continents. For notwithstand- 
ing our self-complacency, our republicanism must be vitiated 
as long as slavery exists amongst us, and just so long will the 
moral precepts of the Divine Law be disregarded. 



III. 

IxDiAifAFOLis, July 12, 1849. 

To Hon. J. M. Clayton, 

Secretary of State: 
Deak Sik:— Forgive the writer for calling your attention 
to what maybe considered by yon a stale sul^ect— that _ot 
colonization. But I come as a suppliant and I hope you will 
mxQ me a hearina;. , -, - . i 

Will you be so good as to read ; and then hand the enclosed 
memorial to our beloved President-forgive all that you may 
consider blunt, or not according to court etiquette, and then 
become our apologist to him. , ■, • ^i 

We have assumed the character of a pleader m the name 
of others and have asked those things which we know trom 
much intercourse with the people of Indiana would be very 
acceptable to all parties. 

Yours, respectfully, ^^^-^-r 

' ^ JAMES MITCHELL 



To His Excellency, Z. Taylok, 

President of the United States: 
HoNOKED and Deak Sir:— Permit the writer to address 
you in the name of nine-tenths of the citizens ot oiir State, 
Vho being ''separationists'' on the question of the At n can race 
think it iVnpracticable if not wrong to attempt a fusion ot the 
black and white races of our land. But whilst we thus dis- 
card the plan of amalgamation as a means ot elevating the 
colored men of our country from their degradation, we advo- 
cate the only alternative that is left the philanthropist— that ot 
a total separation of the races. And the prayer ot your me- 
moriahst is that the Executive would favorably consider this 
plan for elevating our colored citizens and make it one ot the 
measures of your opening administration, by recommending 
Cono-ress to devise the ways and means to transport ah the 
freel^eople of color who are wiUing to emigrate totheltepub- 
lic of Liberia, which now offers to them an attractive and 



28 

secure home where they may be truly independent, and not 
only so, but be the instruments of planting an enlightened 
republicanism and renovating Christianity on the continent of 
Africa. And we reipiire not only the removal of willing emi- 
grants, but we ask that all slaves hereafter set free, be remov- 
ed at once to Liberia, or some other settlement on the African 
coast, for we are unwilling to receive them into the North, 
where they must become the social slaves of our race, which 
is one part of the evil we wish to remedy. 

The above measure is wliat the country wants — nothing 
short of this will meet the necessities of the case. The nation 
is ripe for such a movement — and millions Xorth and South 
will gladly vote any sum to effect this work. And such a 
work will cov^er the administration that eitects it with well 
merited glory — a glory even superior to that which already 
encircles the incumbent of the great chair. For free republics 
and flourishing churches on what is now a dark continent will 
speak forth the praises of their founder or patron in subse- 
quent ages; and such a founder will be remembered by the 
civilized world with admiration. Europe must wonder at this 
peaceful but gigantic system of propagating republicanism. 
Africa will hail it as the dawn of her regeneration, and all 
parties in this land must rejoice at our deliverance from the 
danger that always attends the commingling of races that are 
incompatible and will not fuse. The incipient steps of such a 
work are worthy your administration. And we 2)ray that 
Heaven may give the system favor in your eyes. 

It cannot be hid from you that the most potent objection of 
the opponents of colonization is their gratuitous assertion that 
the General Government will never take hold of the work of 
colonization. Aud this assertion which we trust shall be 
proved false by your action ; has chilled the ardor of our 
friends and thinned our ranks, causing the loss of thousands 
of our best men, who have gone over to the ultra abolition 
faction. And tens of thousands of the most benevolent men 
in the N^orth and Northwest, who act with us now — and feel 
as we do on the subject of a separation of the races, are be- 
coming doubtful of the final success of our scheme, because 
of the neglect of the General Government. This conviction 
if not soon refuted by your action, will disband the coloniza- 
tionists of the North and then we will not answer for the 
overthrow of this conservative body. 

It is a difficult thing for us to show you the true state of 
feeling in the North and Northwest. To understand it you 
should live amongst us unknown — then you could disco- 
ver that the great question M'ith us is the elevation of the 



29 

colored man. God seems to have laid this burden upon our 
souls, — we cannot roll it olt' if we would ; go where we 
will it meets us. It is convulsing our church organizations 
with earthquake power. All other questions of civil pol- 
icy sink into insigniLcance before it. And now with burdened 
souls we look toward you as a man of humane and conserva- 
tive spirit who will regard not only the feelings of the extreme 
sections of our Union, but likewise the wants and wishes of 
the central States. In the name of the degraded colored 
man, and in behalf of a community rent and torn ; and reel- 
ing under the mad excitement of party strife, we ask you to 
take the measure of the separation of the races into consider- 
ation. 

All we ask at this time is the acknowledgement of the 
independence of Liberia, the recognition of her minister, (a 
white gentleman who it was understood should reside in this 
country,) and the formation of a liberal treaty of commerce 
wnth her, together with a permanent line or lines of trans- 
ports to be supported by the General Government. 

Such lines would reduce the expenditure of the Coloni- 
zation Society one-half per emigrant sent out, — thus she 
would be enabled to extend her operations — and they would 
establish a regular trade between this land and Africa, and 
thereby the designs of England to make Liberia her factor, 
and secure the trade of that opening country would be frus- 
trated, and we would become the merchants of Africa. 

The necessity of permanent and ample arrangements for 
transporting colored people to Liberia is apparent when we 
look around us and see the great number of colored people 
who desire a passage to that land. In all sections of the 
country the freed men are waking from tlieir sullen sleep, and 
casting aside their objections to Liberia, they long to take 
shelter beneath her flag — but the funds of <_»ur society are 
inadequate to the demand. And the dilflculty of procuring 
adequate funds is increased by the universal conviction that 
the American Colonization Society has performedits mission^ in 
demonstrating the practicability and utility of colonization 
and that the time has come for a great ■- national movement in 
this work, of which conviction this memorial is but a faint 
expression. 

That colonization should be made a measure of national 
policy is evident from the following startling fact: — The past 
history of the w^orld does not show an instance, where two 
distinct races kept distinct by the refusal of one to fuse with 
the other, because of some diiference in origin, religion or 
color, have occujned the same country on terms of 2)€ace and 



30 

equality. The consequence of such a comminghng has always 
been civil war, internal strife and the oppression of the weaker 
race, to the moral injury of the oppressor. We will call your 
attention to a few well known cases, illustrative of this fact. 

The case of the English people during the reign of the 
Norman dynasty, wdiilst the Norman refused to mix with the 
Saxon. The history of England during that time was one of 
oppression and bloody strife ; and this unhappy state of aifairs 
was not removed until the Norman consented to fuse with the 
Saxon and the people of England thus became homogeneous. 
Unfortunate Ireland is likewise an appropriate illustration 
of the above fact. In Ireland there are two distinct races — 
the aborigines or Milesian race and the Saxon race. In the 
reign of Henry the Second, the Saxon made a lodgment on 
that island and continued to encroach until they spread their 
rule over the whole land— since the conquest the Milesian 
and Saxon live together in the same country but never fuse, 
this difference of race amongst the inhabitants of Ireland 
is nearly as great as that which exists between the white and 
colored races of this land ; for as a general rule they never 
mix — to do so would be to lose caste in their respective fami- 
lies ; the Milesian hates the Saxon, and the latter looks with 
contempt upon the former. The consequence of this state of 
things is known to you. The above difference of race is the 
source of Ireland's wrongs and sorrows, and will be the pro- 
lific source of evil until that people are blended into one race 
by amalgamation, or ono of the contending races is colonized. 
A third illustration is found in the present war of the races 
of Central Ameriga. In short, the history of other lands 
which have been cursed with a strife of races, shall be our 
history, so soon as the colored race that we are cherishing 
with so ranch care for the sake of profit shall have been 
warmed into life — when the serpent shall have obtained ener- 
gy — then it will throw its coils around its master and^spour its 
long cherished and deadly venom into many a vein. 

In this natural effort of the colored race to procure the 
rights of men, they would find many sympathizers in the 
civilized world, and not a few in the northerii States — who, 
though they might not aid the rebel, yet they would not 
oppose the man who strikes for liherty. In short, we fear we 
have the elements of revolution amongst us, and it is the part 
of wisdom to remove them. Nor should we confide too much 
in our own power to quell an insurrection, for if a general 
rising of the free and bond negroes should take place, it would 
cost the people of the United' States much blood ; and more 
money would be expended in quelling it than would be re- 



31 

quired to transi^ort to Africa, all the free people of color in 
the United States, together with all who shall be made free 
for twenty years to come. Nay, the expense of one such 
war as the last Mexican war, would cover the transportation 
of over four millions of colored people to Liberia, at the rate 
of 825 00 per emig-rant, which is a larger sum than Euro- 
peans expend in coming to this country. 
_ But to return — we deprecate civil war and acts of oppres- 
sion, and we fear more the moral evil that such things would 
inflict on posterity, than we fear a draw- on our purses for col- 
onization purposes. So we ask you to save us from the above 
evils, by a proper remedy, which, you discover, maybe of two 
'kmds--the fusion of the races, or a total separation. The first 
we think impracticable, therefore we advocate the second. 

And while we thus beg you to take hold of colonization 
with a firm grasp, and press the energies and resources of the 
wdiole American people into the enterprise, we disclaim all 
designs of embarassing your administration by what some 
might call unconstitutional policy; for surely the Constitution 
authorizes our rulers to seek the w^ell being of the whole 
people, and few measures would produce more present and 
prospective benefit to us, the negro, and we might add, Atrica, 
than a national system of colonization, by which w^e could 
rescue thousands, nay millions, of our degraded fellow-citizens 
from dishonor, and save them and ourselves from soul des- 
troying hatred, and pour out the leaven of an enlightened and 
christian race on the corrupt continent of Africa, and thus 
otfer an atonement for the sin of oppression. 

But colonization may be adopted by the General Govern- 
menton other and undisputed grounds, as a measure for sup- 
pressing the African slave-trade ; and this ground is confess- 
edly constitutional; to which the most strict constructionist 
cannot object, nor can we think that you wdll construe the 
constitution so as to see in it an instrument potent only for 
mischief and incapable of application to purposes of mercy. 
May God deliver you from such fearful views of that invalu- 
able document, and may it prove in your hands an instrument 
of mercy. 

And now let us call your attention to the fact that Liberia 
in these the days of her infancy has been the means of sui3- 
pressing tlie slave-trade on over five hundred miles of sea- 
coast. _ The erection of this Eepublic has cost our society but 
one million dollars, which sum would not support your arma- 
ment on the coast of Africa three years. Yet the combined 
squadrons of America, England and France, have not been 
able so much as to check the growth of the slave-trade, for 



32 

over 80,000 Africans are anmially torn from the land of their 
fathers and sold into perpetual bondage. 

Now in conclusion, Honored and Dear Sir, Ave beseech 
you to grant our cause a favorable consideration and allude to 
it in your first message. Such an allusion would give tlie 
rising and turbulent feeling of the nation on the question of 
negro degradation a safe and definite direction. It would give 
new life to the friends of separation. It would rebuke the 
ultra men North and South. It would call into being a great 
conservative party, with whom such a measure would be truly 
popular, and it would cheer the young Republic on the coast 
of Africa, that promises ere long to overshadow all other states 
and provinces of that land. 

Yours, with respect, 

JAMES MITCHELL, 
Agent A. C. Society. 

Indianapolis, July 10, 1849. 

Note. — It will be remembered that General Taylor called the attention of Con- 
gress to the subject of the African slave-trade, and during his brief administration 
"Steps were taken to establish a line of steamers for emigration purposes, between 
this country and Africa; in favor of which measure there was great uniformity of 
opinion throughout the nation, as the numerous petitions and memorials which 
were poured in upon Congress and the administration abung^antly show. Of the 
latter you will find several volumes in the State Department. And we will venture 
the declaration that if the nation at this date was permitted to declare by vote its 
sentiment on this question, it would go by an unexpected majority for a removal of 
the colored race to a separate country. For it is becoming more evident that the 
question will soon be "a separation of the racen, or a separation of the States. It is 
an unpleasant problem to solve, but it is the duty and business of statesmen to do 
it; and if they will not solve it in time, time will solve it to the prejudice of this 
BOW peaceful and happy country. Expense should not be calculated in this connec- 
tion, for, in the support of political conflicts over it, and civil wars arising from it 
more treasure may be wasted, (to say nothing of the moral mischief,; than would bo 
necessary to buy up every negro in the nation and remove him to a separate State, 
within, say one hundred years from this time : for time should enter largely into such 
a movement as it does into the composition of all great national enterprises ; but 
there should be a beginning and the sooner a national plan is devised the sooner 
the nation will have peace. 



